Dossier · 1956–1964

Louis Marks

Louis Marks made a group of Gramsci’s writings available in English in 1957.

Chronology

1956–1964

Louis Marks made a group of Gramsci’s writings available in English in 1957. He translated them and wrote guides for the book, The Modern Prince and Other Writings [1]. Readers met Gramsci’s ideas on culture alongside the struggle for working-class power. Americans reviewed the book in 1958, and booksellers offered it by 1959. This account follows its use through 1964.[1][2][3]

Early life and intellectual formation

Marks studied history at Balliol College, Oxford. He then went to Florence to study Italy in the Renaissance. The Times later reported that Christopher Hill was his tutor and that Hill strongly shaped his views. It also named Marks as a Communist Party member during those Oxford years. His study of Italy and his party ties formed the setting for his later work on Gramsci.[4]

Marks belonged to the Communist Party’s History Group alongside Hill and Eric Hobsbawm, scholar David Forgacs reports. Forgacs places the book within the group’s effort to rethink Marxism. In his account, Marks sent the text to the publisher in early 1956. Party leaders first blocked it as too far from accepted views. That year, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev attacked Stalin’s record. Crises in Poland and Hungary deepened the party’s troubles. Forgacs links the book’s release in 1957 to that changed climate.[5]

Marks’s own introduction shows the reading he offered. He presented Gramsci as a Marxist who learned through political struggle and saw workers as a class that could lead society. His account tied cultural work to that larger aim.[1]

Ideas and political aims

Marks stressed Gramsci’s break with a narrow focus on wages and working conditions. In his introduction, workers had to prepare to replace the capitalist state and build socialism. They also had to take responsibility for the needs of other groups. Marks used hegemony to explain this claim to lead the nation.[1]

He linked that leadership to learning. Marks described Gramsci’s newspaper office as a place where workers brought questions and experiences. In his account, Gramsci sought to learn from workers as well as teach them. Intellectual work belonged within the effort to build a new society. It included the need to persuade people and help them act together.[1]

These are Marks’s stated readings of Gramsci. His introduction gave readers a guide to the selected texts, while the translations let them study Gramsci’s own arguments. Keeping those roles clear matters: an editor’s framing helps shape a book without replacing its author’s words.

Career and activities

Making an English selection

Lawrence & Wishart published the book in London in 1957. The edition’s front matter credits Marks with translating the writings and supplying the introductions to its first two parts. It also says the selection had the approval of the Istituto Gramsci in Rome. That credit documents institutional approval; it does not identify every person who chose or cut the passages.[1][1]

The book followed Gramsci’s work in Italy’s Communist movement and his years in prison. Its final part grouped notes on politics under the title The Modern Prince. Readers could move from the work Gramsci had done to the ideas he formed later. These included how schools and parties worked and how people learned to lead.[1]

Reaching American readers

Fred Hallett reviewed Marks’s London edition for Americans in April 1958, in Political Affairs. In June 1959, the same journal ran an ad for the book. Readers could buy it for $4 through New Century Publishers in New York.[2][3]

Marks later wrote and produced shows for British television. The same account in The Times names him as both that writer and the Gramsci translator. The book and its use in America are the focus here.[4]

Major works

The Modern Prince and Other Writings

Marks’s book let readers study several parts of Gramsci’s work together. “The Southern Question” made the case for an alliance between northern workers and southern peasants. The prison notes asked how people formed beliefs and how a class found people to help it lead. The final part explored how a party could unite people behind a shared aim.[1]

That range gave readers a way to connect culture with organization. A reader could study how workers might win allies, then turn to the people and institutions that shaped beliefs. The book still offered selected passages from a much larger body of work. Its arrangement was a guide through that work, with limits that American reviewers soon discussed.[1][2]

Marks also made a choice about wording. He told readers that he had replaced some of Gramsci’s indirect terms with more familiar names, including Marxism. He explained those indirect terms as a way around prison censorship. That was Marks’s editorial explanation. He wanted to ease reading, but his choice also removed some of the wording Gramsci had used.[1]

Influence and criticism

Hallett welcomed the chance for Americans to study Gramsci, but he criticized both the selection and the English wording. He preferred Carl Marzani’s translation to Marks’s. He also argued that cuts could make Gramsci harder to understand. Among his examples were a prison-transfer date in Marks’s introduction and wording he thought changed the meaning of a passage. These were Hallett’s specific objections, made in a Communist journal while urging fuller study of Gramsci.[2]

A further American use came in 1964. Albert Fried and Ronald Sanders put Gramsci in Socialist Thought: A Documentary History. The book credits Marks’s English text. It names both International Publishers in New York and Lawrence & Wishart in London as granting permission. The chapter offered Gramsci and the British socialist C. A. R. Crosland as two views of socialism in the modern world.[6]

The editors reused passages on Marxism and culture, intellectuals, and politics. Marks’s English text thus appeared in another American book, chosen for a new purpose. It offered readers a way to compare views of socialism. How they used those ideas requires evidence of their own words and actions.[6]